Ireland and the ‘New York Declaration’: A day of infamy

Why Ireland must reject complicity in Israel’s genocide against the Palestinian people

The ‘New York Declaration’ – the outcome document of a conference held from 28–30 July in New York – was signed by 16 individual countries as well as the League of Arab States and the European Union (EU). It claims to advance the “peaceful settlement of the question of Palestine”. Palestinian journalist Ali Abunimah has analysed the wider implications of this effort to “recognise” a Palestinian state.

The Irish government also saw fit to sign this document. Ireland’s governing parties frequently present themselves as supportive of the Palestinian cause. Yet by endorsing the Declaration, they once again reveal how willing they are to collude – actively or passively – in the suppression of Palestinian rights. Ongoing examples include facilitating the sale of Israeli war bonds in the EU, and the continued obstruction of the Occupied Territories Bill, which was democratically passed in 2018.

In the context of Israel’s ongoing genocide against the Palestinian people, history will judge Ireland’s endorsement of this document as a day of infamy for the Irish state. The Declaration seeks to revive the long-defunct Oslo Accords, which for decades provided Israel with diplomatic cover while it continued to seize Palestinian land, expel communities from their homes, and dismantle Palestinian society. This impunity has effectively given Israel ‘permission’ to escalate its campaign to a full-blown genocide, aimed at erasing Palestinian life from the remnants of land still available to them.

To understand the deeper context, it is important to acknowledge that all land currently occupied by Israel is Palestinian land. Israel had no legitimate right to establish a state on any of it, and the UN had no moral authority to allocate Palestinian land to Zionist settlers. Israel’s creation was not the result of justice or consent, but of colonial imposition – an imposition that continues to dispossess Palestinians today.

Several passages of the New York Declaration reveal the anti-democratic outlook of states dominated by US hegemony, and how far they are prepared to go in enabling Israel’s crimes against Palestinians, and against their neighbours in Lebanon and Syria.

Paragraph 4: “We reiterated our condemnation of all attacks by any party against civilians… We recall the taking of hostages is prohibited under international law.”

Here, the Declaration refers to Israelis held by Hamas as “hostages” while Palestinians taken by Israel are labelled “prisoners”. This linguistic distinction reflects bias and discrimination. Condemnation of “taking hostages” is applied exclusively to Hamas, never to Israel – highlighting the asymmetry in language and accountability.

Paragraph 5: “The end of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the implementation of the two-State solution are the only way to satisfy the legitimate aspirations… of both Israelis and Palestinians.”
This is presented as the “only way” despite three decades of failure. During this period, Israel has systematically worked to destroy any prospect of a two-State solution.

To describe it as the sole option is a fiction, serving only to conceal ongoing Israeli crimes. Moreover, Israel has no “legitimate aspirations” to land it has stolen. A thief has no legitimate claim to their stolen goods.

Paragraph 8: “We expressed support… for efforts… to immediately bring parties back to implementing the ceasefire agreement… leading to a permanent end to hostilities, the release of all hostages, the exchange of Palestinian prisoners… In this context, Hamas must free all hostages.”
This passage fails to acknowledge that Israel repeatedly violated the ceasefire through relentless missile attacks on civilians. Again, Israeli captives are called “hostages” while Palestinians are deemed “prisoners”, reinforcing a criminalising narrative. Many Palestinians detained are civilians, often held without charge or trial – conditions that make them, by any fair definition, hostages. The Declaration demands Hamas release all hostages but does not even recognise Israel as a captor, despite its far greater number of detainees. This silence reflects deep alignment with the Israeli narrative.

Paragraph 11: “Governance, law enforcement and security across all Palestinian territory must lie solely with the Palestinian Authority… Hamas must end its rule in Gaza and hand over its weapons to the Palestinian Authority.”

This amounts to a demand for unconditional Palestinian surrender. The Palestinian Authority (PA) was not elected, is widely recognised as corrupt, and is seen by many Palestinians as a collaborator with the Israeli occupation. By contrast, Hamas won the 2006 election. Any credible peace process must acknowledge the diversity of Palestinian political forces. To insist on sole PA rule – while Israel commits genocide – is not a vision for peace but an insult. Disarmament under conditions of mass violence is not peace, it is enforced submission.

Paragraph 20: “We welcomed President Abbas’ statement that the Palestinian state has no intention to be a militarised State… as long as it benefits from international protection.”

This is a fantasy. International “protection” has repeatedly and catastrophically failed the Palestinian people. To demand that a Palestinian state exist without the means of self-defence, while Israel pursues wars in Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, Syria, and beyond, is to propose permanent Palestinian subjugation.

Paragraph 40: “We are determined to make sure that the decisions made at this Conference constitute a turning point…”

In reality, the Declaration is no turning point. It preserves the violent status quo, grants Israel further impunity, and pretends that the international community is seeking solutions. Its refusal to confront the root problem – an apartheid settler-colonial state built on stolen land – renders it politically void and morally bankrupt.

The most glaring omission is any mention of the United States, which bankrolls and arms Israel’s genocide. Even if the Declaration honestly named Israel’s crimes – which it does not – it would remain powerless without acknowledging Washington’s role.

Ireland must distance itself from this document, and refuse to lend legitimacy to international initiatives that sidestep the reality of occupation, apartheid, and genocide. To be a force for peace, Ireland must stand for truth, justice, and equality – not serve as a pawn of American imperialism or a mouthpiece for hollow narratives.

 

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